32. The Panchayati Raj
From 31 October 2012, I was given the additional charge of the Principal Secretary, Panchayat, Rural Development, and Rural Housing Department, which became regular from 1 May 2013 and continued until May 2015.
Thus, as Principal Secretary, I handled the Panchayat Department for 31 months.
Across the state’s 33 districts, the District Development Officers (DDOs), 225 Taluka Development Officers (TDOs), and all their officers and staff together formed our administrative army.
Assembly Elections (2012) and Sardar Awas Scheme
The year 2012 was significant for Gujarat — Legislative Assembly elections were due in December, and that year July and August saw weak rainfall, resulting in drought conditions.
The opposition launched a campaign called “Ghar Nu Ghar” (A Home for Every Family) and began collecting application forms from potential beneficiaries.
This prompted the government to act swiftly.
Lists of homeless people were prepared village by village.
The Sardar Awas Yojana was restructured — the first installment was increased and made payable immediately upon application approval, instead of after the house reached the plinth level.
Over four lakh housing applications were sanctioned at once.
Before the election code of conduct came into effect, the first installment had to be credited.
Hence, beneficiaries’ bank accounts were opened, and a large amount was transferred via Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT).
The driving force behind this initiative was my predecessor Shri R. M. Patel, who took voluntary retirement (VRS) two months before his official retirement upon being nominated as a candidate for the Legislative Assembly elections.
He won the election with a huge public mandate, reaffirming faith in a popular government.
The Herculean Task of Completing the Houses
As soon as I took charge, I inherited the responsibility of ensuring that over four lakh approved houses were actually built by the beneficiaries.
When we began following up on the first installment progress, we discovered that many beneficiaries had used the advance for personal purposes.
Some had bought motorbikes, others had spent it on weddings, and some had used it for household expenses.
We made it clear — if you don’t build the house, you must refund the government’s assistance.
We kept pursuing the matter for two years, and eventually, we cleared the backlog of around 4.5 lakh houses, completing over five lakh houses in total during our tenure.
The District Development Officer (DDO) of Dahod, Praveena, did an excellent job by completing 55,000 houses and clearing the backlog.
When there were talks of her being transferred to a side post, I opposed it — and her career later progressed well.
Apart from Sardar Awas, other housing schemes such as Indira Awas, Ambedkar Awas, and Adivasi Housing Schemes were also in operation.
Each department tried to get its schemes improved through the Finance Department (FD) to raise its subsidy levels.
We standardized and unified the assistance norms across all housing schemes by issuing a consolidated resolution — ensuring uniformity and fairness.
Taluka-level Garib Kalyan Melas
Another major initiative was to organize Garib Kalyan Melas (Welfare Fairs) at each Taluka.
When I discussed it with the Chief Minister, I suggested that to maintain quality, we should limit each fair to 2,000 participants —
1,000 beneficiaries receiving kits and 1,000 companions accompanying them.
Others who wished to observe could come separately.
We decided not to bring schoolchildren just for bicycle distribution — instead, deliver bicycles directly to schools.
Farmer kits were suitable only during the monsoon season; distributing them later would serve no purpose.
Organizations like GRIMCO needed lead time to procure and supply toolkits.
We streamlined the entire administrative system for Garib Kalyan Melas, making them institutionalized and orderly.
The Garib Kalyan Mela was not a new scheme by itself — it served as a central dispatch registry for various individual beneficiary-oriented government schemes handled by different departments.
The fairs became a public platform for transparent benefit distribution — with a stage, microphone, and gatherings of beneficiaries, benefits were handed out publicly.
It was like consolidating all vehicles from a city’s bus routes at a central terminal, or holding back trains from different platforms to depart together at a single scheduled moment.
While some sanctioned benefits faced delays, most departments worked hard to clear pending applications before the Mela date, improving efficiency and visibility.
Thus, what usually took a year’s work was accomplished in a single event, making the government appear active and effective.
The success of these Garib Kalyan Melas brought widespread recognition and goodwill to the government.
Having earlier been involved in toolkit preparation in the Cottage Department, I now contributed to distribution management — staying directly connected with this program for nearly nine years.
Open Defecation Free (ODF) Gujarat
The third major mission I undertook was to make rural Gujarat Open Defecation Free (ODF) — a Herculean task to transform the long-standing rural habit of going to the fields for defecation.
Over the years, many toilet construction programs had been carried out, but in most homes, toilets had turned into storage rooms.
I still remember when I was the Collector of Kutch, I once stayed overnight at my brother-in-law’s home in the village.
Although they had a toilet, my sister-in-law had locked it — and I had to carry a water pot and walk to the fields.
That incident left a deep impression on my mind.
We mobilized the Taluka Development Officers, Talatis, Sarpanches, and all local staff to take this up as a statewide movement.
When a new Chief Minister took office in 2014, we amended the Panchayat Act, making it mandatory for every candidate contesting Panchayat elections — whether for the post of member, Sarpanch, or Taluka/District Panchayat member — to have a toilet at home.
This sparked a powerful slogan across villages:
“Every household must have a toilet!”
Just as the two-child norm had been effectively implemented earlier for population control, the ODF campaign too became a success.
With over five lakh new houses built under various housing schemes, and lakhs of standalone toilets, we succeeded in making rural Gujarat open defecation free.
Expansion of e-Gram – Vishwagram Program
The e-Gram – Vishwagram program was already operational; we strengthened it further by appointing Village Level Entrepreneurs (VLEs) in every village and ensuring that each e-Gram center functioned regularly.
The system was highly useful, but low bandwidth made video meetings difficult.
We therefore linked e-Gram centers to BSNL and RailTel’s cable networks, boosting bandwidth and operational capacity.
About 3,000 major villages were connected by cable, while the rest continued through e-Gram satellite disks.
Next, we expanded the program’s utility and sustainability.
VLEs began providing 7/12 land record printouts, earning service fees for each transaction.
We integrated them into various schemes — such as survey form filling, bank form submissions, Khelo Gujarat, and relief payment disbursements — thereby increasing e-Gram usage and generating employment for VLEs.
At that time, Gram Panchayats received direct grants from both the Government of India and the State Government.
Since expenditures were managed under the Sarpanch’s signature, maintaining financial discipline and transparency became essential.
We standardized account keeping, made audits mandatory, and moved them online — opening Panchayat accounts for public audit and viewing.
As literacy in rural areas increased and many villagers lived in nearby towns, this online transparency allowed them to track Panchayat finances, ensuring greater accountability and public trust.
Improving the Revenue of Gram Panchayats
The Samaras Gram Panchayat initiative, supported through incentive grants, had proved successful. However, the own revenue of most Gram Panchayats remained very weak.
Since most services were provided free of cost, the per capita tax burden barely exceeded ₹10, whereas in municipal areas, it averaged around ₹180.
To address this, we introduced a scheme to encourage Panchayats to increase their tax collection by providing them matching incentive grants based on the amount they collected.
Many progressive Panchayats benefited from this initiative.
For example, the Punsari Gram Panchayat became a model in cleanliness, revenue collection, and local governance.
The village installed public address systems through which morning bhajans of Narsinh Mehta were played daily, and important public announcements were broadcast during the day.
PESA Act
The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA) was amended to grant more powers to Panchayats and Gram Sabhas in tribal regions.
They were empowered to use and manage minor forest produce and to receive a share of royalties from minerals extracted within their jurisdictions.
As industrial units began to be established within Panchayat limits, their tax revenues started to increase substantially.
Village Cleanliness
In most villages, community-level sanitation was poor.
People would keep their homes and courtyards clean, sweeping daily and applying mud plaster (lepan) where needed.
But once the private courtyard ended and the public area began, no one took responsibility.
During the monsoon, this often led to filthy and unhygienic conditions.
If Gram Panchayats appointed regular sanitation workers, they risked permanent employment liabilities and the burden of paying government-level salaries.
Many Panchayats had already irregularly hired over 12,000 workers, adding to their administrative load.
We explored the use of MNREGA for sanitation work, but since it allowed only 100 days of employment and could not hire individual workers for ongoing cleaning, that route wasn’t feasible.
I even requested the Government of India to amend the scheme to allow MNREGA laborers for sanitation work, but meanwhile, I needed a practical local solution.
So, we approved a grant of ₹2 per person per month for each village.
The Panchayat would contribute another ₹2, creating a local sanitation fund.
From this fund, local volunteers were engaged on an honorarium basis to perform regular cleaning, thus institutionalizing village sanitation.
Today, the state government has increased the grant from ₹2 to ₹8 per person, enabling Panchayats to efficiently manage village sanitation by adding local contributions as needed according to population size.
Improvement of Internal Village Roads
During the monsoon, village roads would become muddy and difficult to use. Today, most villages have proper roads and paved surfaces, but back then, one had to wade through mud to reach schools, Anganwadis, health centers, Panchayat offices, or cremation grounds.
We introduced a paver block scheme and used it to pave small internal roads, thereby enhancing rural comfort and quality of life.
Decentralization of Power
There was a significant difference between the Panchayati Raj system during my tenure as District Development Officer (DDO) and the one that exists today.
At that time, Presidents of District and Taluka Panchayats also headed their Executive Committees, which gave them considerable influence.
Later, with the introduction of caste-based and women’s reservation, the participation of marginalized groups increased — a welcome development.
However, two major changes reduced the importance of the presidents:
Their tenure was cut to two and a half years.
The executive chairman position usually went to someone from a non-reserved category.
As a result, the power of elected presidents diminished.
The Sarpanch, being directly elected by the people, retained a five-year term. But with caste and gender reservations, many women elected as Sarpanch were uneducated or bound by social constraints, so their husbands or sons often handled administrative matters.
Thus, women’s empowerment weakened, and unelected men began managing Panchayat affairs.
The “Pramukh Swami”
Once, my personal assistant said, “Sir, Pramukh Swami is on the line.”
I was surprised — I knew BAPS’s Pramukh Swami Maharaj, and wondered why he’d be calling me!
I answered respectfully, but when I heard the voice, I realized it wasn’t him.
The caller said, “I am the husband of the District Panchayat President, so people call me Pramukh Swami.”
I politely told him to have his wife, the actual president, call me and ended the call.
Caste-Based Challenges
Another issue arose in Scheduled Caste (SC) reserved seats for Sarpanch.
Caste discrimination persisted in many villages.
During my posting as DDO in Mehsana (1989–90), I had seen SC Panchayat members standing against walls during meetings because they weren’t allowed to sit properly.
Only in a few villages with an SC majority would one find a Sarpanch from that community.
In others, if a Panchayat meeting occurred, the Panchayat peon would take attendance sheets to their homes to collect signatures — SC members didn’t attend in person.
Now, with reservations, they became Sarpanch, but in caste-divided villages, it was still socially difficult for them — especially for SC men or women — to sit in the Sarpanch’s chair and conduct meetings.
Usually, matters ran smoothly by compromise, but if anyone acted independently, a no-confidence motion was raised.
With a two-thirds majority, members could remove the Sarpanch and make the Deputy Sarpanch the new head.
To prevent such misuse, I proposed an amendment that since the Sarpanch is directly elected by the entire village, they should be removable only through a two-thirds majority vote of all village voters, not just Panchayat members.
However, my Panchayat Minister understood my intent and did not allow the amendment to proceed.
Working with Ministers
Before him, Bhupendrasinh Chudasama served as Panchayat Minister — a seasoned politician who valued maintaining relationships, making him easy to work with.
Later came Jayantibhai Kavadiya — well-read and sharp-minded.
The only issue we consistently faced with the Ministers was regarding the transfer of Taluka Development Officers (TDOs).
There were 225 talukas, of which 70–80 posts remained vacant.
Frequent transfers — every 6 months or year — disrupted administrative continuity and affected Panchayati Raj governance.
Vacancies in remote talukas also created major hurdles in implementing development programs.
Vacancies and Administrative Gaps
Another problem was the large number of vacant posts of Village Development TDOs.
Recruitments were limited because the Gujarat Public Service Commission (GPSC) had to maintain a balance between Mamlatdars and TDOs to avoid future promotion disputes under the Gujarat Administrative Service (GAS) structure.
As a result, mass recruitment for all vacant posts couldn’t happen simultaneously.
When promotion candidates weren’t available, positions remained unfilled.
Often, the number of retirements exceeded new recruitments.
Those eligible for promotion were close to retirement, so many refused the promotion.
Some accepted only if it came with a higher pay scale, otherwise went on leave or sought reposting to their home district.
Thus, the shortage of TDOs remained a persistent problem.
Similar difficulties arose with Overseers and Junior Engineers of Taluka Panchayats.
With thousands of rural housing units being built, their absence meant no site inspections or certifications, burdening neighboring talukas that had to take additional charge.
Still, the Panchayati system managed to carry on.
A third chronic issue was the vacancy of Taluka Accounts Officers.
I often felt that these persistent staff shortages in several talukas made Gujarat’s Panchayati Raj system appear weaker than it truly was.
Chairman, Gujarat Panchayat Service Selection Board
I was given the additional charge of Chairman of the Gujarat Panchayat Service Selection Board. Earlier, a paper leak by a printing press employee had caused an exam to be cancelled — a situation I inherited.
In the recruitment of lower cadres, candidates used to apply in multiple districts simultaneously, joining whichever district they preferred after selection. This not only increased exam costs and employee turnover, but also caused imbalance — candidates from better-educated districts near the capital tended to score higher and later transferred to other districts, leaving remote districts understaffed.
We district-centralized the recruitment process. Each exam paper carried 75 common marks for general questions and 25 marks for district-specific questions. Examinations for all districts were held on the same day across the state, ensuring candidates could appear only in one district.
As a result, more local candidates were selected, turnover dropped, and the system became more stable. The framework I established was effectively continued by my successor.
We also introduced a five-year district transfer rule to prevent frequent shifting of staff.
However, now the recruitment system has once again become state-centralized under the Gujarat Panchayat Service Selection Board.
Agriculture Summit
In September 2013, the Agriculture Department of Gujarat organized the Vibrant Gujarat Global Agricultural Summit at Mahatma Mandir, Gandhinagar, attended by 5,000 farmers.
Farmer delegations from districts across India were invited, and Kisan Panchayats (farmers’ assemblies) were held.
The state government honored progressive farmers from various districts with cash prizes, shawls, and certificates of recognition.
Iron Collection Campaign
In December 2013, I was appointed as the leader of the officers’ delegation for the “Iron Collection Campaign” (Loha Sangrahan Abhiyan) for building the Statue of Unity, and was sent to Uttarakhand.
Similar delegations were dispatched to every state.
The goal was to collect one iron tool or item from every household in villages across the country for symbolic use in constructing the statue.
During village meetings, a letter from the Chief Minister was read aloud, and villagers’ group photos were taken with the promise that they would be displayed in the Statue of Unity Museum.
The collected iron was then sent to Gujarat.
Although it’s unclear how much of that iron was actually used in the statue due to quality issues, the campaign effectively promoted the Gujarat brand and brought Sardar Patel closer to rural India.
Our program in Uttarakhand was highly successful — a public event was held in Dehradun, followed by an “Ekta Run” (Unity Marathon). Around the same time, the “Chai Pe Charcha” (Talks over Tea) initiative gained momentum — it soon became one of the most popular highlights of the 2014 election campaign.
Phase-5 Training
In 2014, I attended Phase-5 training at Mussoorie, followed by training programs in New York and Washington D.C., USA.
India’s current External Affairs Minister was then serving as the Indian Ambassador to the United States, and we had the opportunity to listen to and interact with him.
New Chief Minister
On 26 May 2014, Narendra Modi took oath as the Prime Minister of India.
Before leaving, he appointed Smt. Anandiben Patel as the new Chief Minister of Gujarat.
A farewell and welcome ceremony was held at the Secretariat Campus, where Modi remarked that he was leaving Gujarat in the hands of “another gold medalist, well-educated Chief Minister.”
Anandiben Patel lived up to those words, beginning her tenure as a capable and accomplished leader.
As she had earlier served as Revenue Minister, she was well aware of my work in disaster management. My performance in Panchayat administration had also earned me a good reputation.
She also knew that during our earlier Leicester visit, I had been unfairly penalized without cause.
Recognizing my administrative contributions, she assigned me a new role in May 2015 — as Principal Secretary, Forest and Environment Department, just as my nearly three-year Panchayat tenure was coming to an end.
It was now the Forest and Environment Department’s turn in the wave of reforms.
9 October 2025