Begging is an offence

Begging is an offence under the Bombay Prevention of Begging Act, 1959. It remains in force in Maharashtra and Gujarat, while other states have enacted their own laws. Uttar Pradesh has the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Beggary Act, 1975. The Act empowers the police to arrest a person found begging, and the magistrate may either release the person on bond or detain him in a certified institution.

However, the practical question remains: who will bear the burden of detaining, feeding, rehabilitating, and monitoring such large numbers of people? Therefore, begging has never really stopped. At times beggars are part of organised criminal chains, and sometimes they even act as informers because of their constant visibility on roads and public spaces. Religious places, railway and bus stations, restaurants, markets, traffic crossings, and other crowded areas are common places where beggars are seen. Many religious-minded or fearful people offer them food or money in the belief that such charity earns punya.

Narendra Modi once narrated a story about a beggar who could not get alms the entire day despite wandering everywhere. Hungry and exhausted, he imagined a piece of bread in one hand and a pinch of salt in the other. He pretended to dip the bread in salt, ate imaginary morsels, and then drank a glass of water to satisfy himself.

A gentleman observing him asked what he was doing. The beggar explained how he was trying to settle his hunger with imaginary food. The gentleman then asked, “If you had to imagine food anyway, why imagine only bread and salt? You could have imagined rich dishes, vegetables, pickles, sweets, or anything you liked most.”

The beggar had no answer.

The lesson of the story is that when one has to dream or imagine, one should not dream small. One must project even a small picture on a bigger screen to make it larger in life.😊

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Ahmedabad to Mecca: Haj of Anwar

Ahmedabad to Mecca: Sacred Journey of a Haj

Haji Anwar, a tailor from Ahmedabad, recently returned from the sacred pilgrimage of Haj to the holy city of Mecca. He travelled in a 37-day package tour that cost nearly ₹1.75 lakh, of which ₹21,000 came as government subsidy. With the subsidy scheme now discontinued and the costs of airfare, accommodation, transport and food sharply rising, similar Haj packages today cost close to ₹3 lakh.

Anwar is the second Haji I have met personally. The first was an Accounts Officer who once worked under me. He had gifted me a small bottle of Zamzam water after his pilgrimage, but never described the journey in detail. Anwar, however, unfolded the entire experience before me yesterday with simplicity and devotion.

Their group consisted of forty pilgrims travelling through a Haj tour operator. The journey began with a flight from Ahmedabad to Jeddah, a journey of about four and a half hours. From Jeddah they travelled about 100 plus kilometres by air-conditioned coach to Mecca, covering the distance in about two hours. Thus, within a single day, a pilgrim from India reaches the holiest city of Islam.

Mecca during Haj resembles a sea of humanity. Millions of pilgrims from every corner of the world gather there dressed alike in plain white garments, erasing distinctions of wealth, race, language and nationality. Towering hotels, vast roads, giant cooling systems, metro lines, medical camps, food courts, security arrangements and volunteer services operate day and night to manage the immense congregation. It is perhaps among the largest annual movements of human beings anywhere in the world.

After checking into their hotel in Mecca, the group rested for four days, as the rituals of Haj follow a fixed sequence and timetable. Meals were arranged in the hotel, while numerous eateries and community kitchens around the city catered to pilgrims from different countries.

The Kaaba, towards which Muslims across the world turn five times a day in prayer, stands at the centre of Masjid al-Haram in Mecca. Draped in black cloth embroidered with golden verses, it is regarded as the House of Allah and the spiritual axis of Islam. For a Muslim, Haj is not merely a journey but the fulfilment of a lifelong spiritual calling — a moment when one stands among millions before the Almighty in equality, humility and surrender.

On the sixth day, the pilgrims assembled in groups carrying only two pairs of clothes and simple bedding. Leaving behind comforts, they walked nearly four kilometres towards the plains of Arafat. There, under open skies, pilgrims spend their days in prayer and reflection. Though basic amenities and food are arranged free of cost, the stay remains intentionally austere, reminding pilgrims of simplicity and human equality before God.

From Arafat they moved onward according to the prescribed sequence of rituals stayed for two more nights in another plain. Many stretches are covered on foot despite metro facilities, because the crowds are extraordinarily large. At Mina and nearby grounds, pilgrims spent nights in vast tented settlements that function like temporary cities.

They later returned to the Grand Mosque in Mecca to perform the Tawaf — seven anti-clockwise circumambulations of the Kaaba while dressed in unstitched white cloth symbolising purity and detachment from worldly identity. During the circumambulation, pilgrims try to touch or gesture towards the revered Black Stone, believed to have descended from heaven, and also offer prayers near places associated with Prophet Muhammad.

Anwar described the sight of the Kaaba during Tawaf as unforgettable. Thousands upon thousands of pilgrims circumambulate together in slow circular movement around the sacred structure, like waves revolving around a silent centre. From the upper floors, the human flow appears like a white river moving continuously without pause. The sound of prayers, footsteps, supplications and recitation rises softly into the night air while giant cooling fans spray fine mist over exhausted pilgrims. Despite the crowd, a strange discipline prevails, as if millions are moving to one rhythm.

For a Muslim, Haj is not merely a journey but the fulfilment of a lifelong spiritual calling — a moment when one stands among millions before the Almighty in equality, humility and surrender.

Thereafter comes the Sa’i, the ritual walk between the hills of Safa and Marwah, commemorating the struggle of Hajar in search of water for her child. Today the hills are enclosed within enormous multi-storeyed, air-conditioned galleries through which thousands of pilgrims move continuously. Wheelchair and assistance services are available for the elderly and disabled.

The pilgrimage also includes the symbolic ritual of stoning the pillars representing Satan, recalling the resistance of Prophet Ibrahim against temptation. Pilgrims throw seven pebbles at the designated structure as a reminder of overcoming evil and inner weakness.

At the conclusion of the rituals, each pilgrim offers the sacrifice of a goat. Much of the meat is distributed through community kitchens and charitable arrangements serving pilgrims and the needy. Those who wish may also cook for themselves.

Among the most cherished moments for many pilgrims is visiting the sacred Well of Zamzam within the Grand Mosque complex. According to Islamic tradition, the well sprang miraculously in the desert for Hajar and her infant son Ismail. Even today, millions drink its water with reverence. Modern systems now pump, purify and distribute Zamzam water on a massive scale through cooling stations spread across the mosque complex. Pilgrims carry bottles of this holy water home for family and friends as a blessed remembrance of Haj.

Once the rituals in Mecca were completed, Anwar’s group travelled around 450 kilometres by coach to Medina, the city of Prophet Muhammad. Medina, unlike the intensity of Mecca, is remembered for its calmness and serenity. Pilgrims spend days offering prayers at the Prophet’s Mosque and paying respects near the tomb of Prophet Muhammad. Anwar described the atmosphere there as deeply peaceful, where thousands sit silently in devotion.

After spending a week in Medina, the pilgrims boarded their return flight to Ahmedabad, carrying with them bottles of Zamzam water, prayer beads, dates and memories of a journey they consider transformative.

I asked Anwar what changes in a person’s life after becoming a Haji.

He replied softly, “It is like being born again from the mother’s womb. A Haji must live with purity and honesty — not tell lies, not steal, return borrowed money, avoid adultery and crime, offer namaz regularly and walk on the righteous path. If one abandons these principles, one ceases to deserve the honour of being called a Haji.”

“Is it something like our belief in taking a holy dip in the Ganga and beginning life anew?” I asked.

“It may be even more demanding,” he said. “A Haji is expected not merely to wash away sins, but to avoid committing them again.”

If Haj truly inspires an individual to become more disciplined, humble, devoted and morally conscious, then one may ask whether supporting such pilgrimages — with reasonable eligibility criteria of income, age and family limits — can also be viewed as an investment in nurturing responsible and ethical citizens.

23 May 2026

अहमदाबाद से मक्का : हज की एक पवित्र यात्रा

अहमदाबाद के एक दर्जी हाजी अनवर हाल ही में इस्लाम के सबसे पवित्र तीर्थ — मक्का — की हज यात्रा पूरी करके लौटे हैं। उन्होंने 37 दिनों की एक पैकेज यात्रा की, जिसकी कुल लागत लगभग ₹1.75 लाख थी, जिसमें ₹21,000 की सरकारी सब्सिडी शामिल थी। अब सरकार द्वारा सब्सिडी योजना बंद कर दिए जाने तथा हवाई यात्रा, ठहरने, भोजन और परिवहन के खर्च बढ़ जाने से यही यात्रा आज लगभग ₹3 लाख तक पहुँच चुकी है।

अनवर दूसरे हाजी हैं जिनसे मुझे व्यक्तिगत रूप से मिलने और हज यात्रा के अनुभव सुनने का अवसर मिला। पहले एक अकाउंट्स ऑफिसर थे जो कभी मेरे अधीन कार्यरत थे। उन्होंने हज से लौटकर मुझे ज़मज़म का पानी भेंट किया था, पर यात्रा का विस्तृत वर्णन नहीं किया। अनवर ने कल बड़ी सादगी और श्रद्धा के साथ अपने सम्पूर्ण अनुभव मेरे सामने रखे।

उनका दल चालीस यात्रियों का था, जो एक हज टूर ऑपरेटर के माध्यम से गया था। यात्रा अहमदाबाद से जेद्दा तक लगभग साढ़े चार घंटे की हवाई उड़ान से प्रारम्भ हुई। वहाँ से लगभग 100+ किलोमीटर की दूरी वातानुकूलित बस द्वारा तीन घंटे में तय कर वे मक्का पहुँचे। इस प्रकार भारत से चला एक यात्री एक ही दिन में इस्लाम के सबसे पवित्र नगर तक पहुँच जाता है।

हज के दिनों में मक्का मानो मानवता का अथाह समुद्र बन जाता है। संसार के हर कोने से लाखों श्रद्धालु एक जैसे सादे सफेद वस्त्र धारण कर वहाँ पहुँचते हैं, जहाँ धन, जाति, भाषा और राष्ट्रीयता के भेद स्वतः विलीन हो जाते हैं। ऊँचे-ऊँचे होटल, चौड़ी सड़कें, विशाल शीतलन व्यवस्थाएँ, मेट्रो रेल, चिकित्सा शिविर, भोजनालय, सुरक्षा तंत्र और हजारों स्वयंसेवक दिन-रात इस विराट जनसमूह की सेवा में लगे रहते हैं। यह संभवतः विश्व में मानवों के सबसे बड़े वार्षिक समागमों में से एक है।

मक्का पहुँचकर उनका समूह होटल में ठहरा और चार दिनों तक विश्राम किया, क्योंकि हज की प्रत्येक रस्म एक निश्चित क्रम और समय-सारणी के अनुसार सम्पन्न होती है। भोजन की व्यवस्था होटल में थी, जबकि नगर में विभिन्न देशों के यात्रियों के लिए अनेक सामुदायिक रसोइयाँ और भोजनालय भी संचालित होते हैं।

मक्का की मस्जिद-अल-हरम के मध्य स्थित काबा वह पवित्र स्थल है जिसकी ओर संसारभर के मुसलमान दिन में पाँच बार नमाज़ के लिए मुख करते हैं। सुनहरे अक्षरों से कढ़े काले वस्त्र से आच्छादित यह इमारत इस्लाम की आध्यात्मिक धुरी और “अल्लाह का घर” मानी जाती है। किसी मुसलमान के लिए हज केवल एक यात्रा नहीं, बल्कि जीवन भर की आध्यात्मिक आकांक्षा की पूर्णता है — वह क्षण जब मनुष्य लाखों लोगों के बीच समानता, विनम्रता और पूर्ण समर्पण के साथ ईश्वर के सामने खड़ा होता है।

छठे दिन यात्रियों ने केवल दो जोड़ी वस्त्र और साधारण बिस्तर साथ लिया तथा समूहों में लगभग चार किलोमीटर पैदल चलकर अराफात के मैदान की ओर प्रस्थान किया। खुले आकाश के नीचे वहाँ श्रद्धालु प्रार्थना, आत्मचिंतन और इबादत में समय बिताते हैं। भोजन और मूलभूत सुविधाएँ निःशुल्क उपलब्ध होने के बावजूद वहाँ का जीवन जानबूझकर अत्यंत सादा रखा जाता है, ताकि मनुष्य ईश्वर के समक्ष अपनी समानता और क्षुद्रता को अनुभव कर सके।

अराफात से वे निर्धारित क्रम में आगे दूसरे मैदानों की ओर बढ़े और वहाँ दो रातें और बिताईं। यद्यपि मेट्रो रेल की सुविधा उपलब्ध है, फिर भी भीड़ इतनी अधिक होती है कि अनेक यात्री लंबी दूरियाँ पैदल ही तय करते हैं। मीना और उसके आसपास के क्षेत्रों में तम्बुओं के विशाल नगर बस जाते हैं, जहाँ लाखों यात्री अस्थायी रूप से निवास करते हैं।

इसके बाद वे पुनः मक्का की विशाल मस्जिद में लौटे और तवाफ की रस्म अदा की — अर्थात काबा की सात बार वामावर्त परिक्रमा। इस दौरान सभी यात्री बिना सिले सफेद वस्त्र पहनते हैं, जो सांसारिक पहचान से विरक्ति और पवित्रता का प्रतीक माने जाते हैं। परिक्रमा करते समय श्रद्धालु “हजरे अस्वद” अर्थात स्वर्ग से आया माना जाने वाला पवित्र काला पत्थर स्पर्श करने या उसकी ओर संकेत करने का प्रयास करते हैं। वे उन स्थानों पर भी इबादत करते हैं जो पैग़म्बर मुहम्मद से जुड़े माने जाते हैं।

अनवर ने बताया कि तवाफ के समय काबा का दृश्य अविस्मरणीय होता है। हजारों-लाखों श्रद्धालु एक साथ धीमी गोलाकार गति में उस पवित्र केंद्र की परिक्रमा करते हैं, मानो किसी शांत धुरी के चारों ओर सफेद लहरें घूम रही हों। ऊपर की मंज़िलों से देखने पर यह जनसमूह एक अविरल बहती श्वेत नदी जैसा प्रतीत होता है। रात के वातावरण में दुआओं, कदमों और कुरान की तिलावत की धीमी ध्वनियाँ गूँजती रहती हैं, जबकि विशाल शीतलन यंत्र थके हुए यात्रियों पर जल की महीन फुहारें छोड़ते रहते हैं। इतनी भीड़ के बावजूद वहाँ एक अद्भुत अनुशासन दिखाई देता है, मानो लाखों लोग एक ही लय में चल रहे हों।

इसके बाद “सई” की रस्म होती है, जिसमें श्रद्धालु सफा और मरवा पहाड़ियों के बीच सात बार चलते हैं। यह हाजरा द्वारा अपने पुत्र इस्माइल के लिए पानी की खोज के संघर्ष की स्मृति है। आज इन पहाड़ियों को विशाल बहुमंज़िला वातानुकूलित गलियारों में परिवर्तित कर दिया गया है, जहाँ हजारों यात्री निरंतर चलते रहते हैं। वृद्ध और दिव्यांग यात्रियों के लिए व्हीलचेयर और अन्य सहायता सेवाएँ भी उपलब्ध हैं।

हज यात्रा में शैतान का प्रतीक माने जाने वाले स्तंभों पर कंकड़ मारने की रस्म भी शामिल है। यह पैग़म्बर इब्राहीम द्वारा प्रलोभनों का विरोध करने की स्मृति है। यात्री सात कंकड़ फेंककर बुराई और आंतरिक दुर्बलताओं पर विजय का प्रतीकात्मक संकल्प लेते हैं।

रस्मों के समापन पर प्रत्येक यात्री बकरे की कुर्बानी देता है। उसका अधिकांश मांस सामुदायिक रसोइयों और जरूरतमंदों में वितरित कर दिया जाता है। जो यात्री चाहें, वे स्वयं पकाकर भी भोजन कर सकते हैं।

यात्रा के सबसे पवित्र और भावनात्मक क्षणों में से एक है मस्जिद परिसर में स्थित ज़मज़म के पवित्र कुएँ का दर्शन। इस्लामी परम्परा के अनुसार यह जलस्रोत रेगिस्तान में हाजरा और उनके शिशु इस्माइल के लिए चमत्कारिक रूप से प्रकट हुआ था। आज भी करोड़ों श्रद्धालु श्रद्धा के साथ इसका जल ग्रहण करते हैं। आधुनिक प्रणालियों द्वारा इस जल को शुद्ध कर विशाल स्तर पर मस्जिद परिसर में वितरित किया जाता है। यात्री इसे बोतलों में भरकर अपने घर, रिश्तेदारों और मित्रों के लिए आशीर्वादस्वरूप लेकर आते हैं।

मक्का की रस्में पूर्ण होने के बाद अनवर का दल लगभग 450 किलोमीटर दूर स्थित मदीना पहुँचा, जो पैग़म्बर मुहम्मद का नगर माना जाता है। मक्का की तीव्रता की तुलना में मदीना अपनी शांति और सौम्यता के लिए याद किया जाता है। वहाँ श्रद्धालु कई दिनों तक पैग़म्बर की मस्जिद में नमाज़ अदा करते हैं और उनके रौज़े पर श्रद्धापूर्वक हाज़िरी देते हैं। अनवर ने बताया कि वहाँ का वातावरण अत्यंत शांत और आध्यात्मिक होता है, जहाँ हजारों लोग मौन भाव से इबादत में लीन रहते हैं।

एक सप्ताह मदीना में बिताने के बाद वे विमान द्वारा अहमदाबाद लौटे। उनके साथ था — ज़मज़म का पानी, खजूर, तस्बीह और एक ऐसी यात्रा की स्मृतियाँ, जिसे वे आत्मिक रूपांतरण मानते हैं।

मैंने अनवर से पूछा, “हाजी बनने के बाद मनुष्य के जीवन में क्या परिवर्तन आता है?”

उन्होंने शांत स्वर में कहा,
“यह मानो माँ की कोख से पुनर्जन्म लेने जैसा है। एक हाजी को सत्य और पवित्रता का जीवन जीना चाहिए — झूठ न बोलना, चोरी न करना, उधार लौटाना, अपराध और व्यभिचार से दूर रहना, नियमित नमाज़ अदा करना और नेक रास्ते पर चलना। यदि वह इन सिद्धांतों से भटक जाए, तो वह हाजी कहलाने के योग्य नहीं रहता।”

मैंने पूछा, “क्या यह हमारी गंगा-स्नान की उस मान्यता जैसा है जिसमें मनुष्य पाप धोकर नया जीवन आरम्भ करता है?”

अनवर मुस्कराए और बोले,
“शायद उससे भी अधिक कठिन। हाजी केवल पाप धोता नहीं, बल्कि फिर पाप न करने का संकल्प लेकर लौटता है।”

यदि हज वास्तव में किसी मनुष्य को अधिक विनम्र, अनुशासित, भक्तिपूर्ण और नैतिक बनाता है, तो यह विचारणीय है कि आयु, आय और परिवार जैसी उचित सीमाओं के साथ ऐसी यात्राओं को सहयोग देना क्या एक जिम्मेदार और सदाचारी नागरिक समाज के निर्माण में निवेश नहीं माना जा सकता?

23 मई 2026

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Left and Right

Left and Right

The terms “Left” and “Right” in politics originated during the French Revolution. In the French National Assembly, those supporting monarchy, church authority and preservation of hierarchy sat on the right side of the presiding chair, while those advocating popular sovereignty, equality and radical reforms sat on the left. From that physical arrangement emerged two enduring political traditions.

Historically, almost every empire and monarchy survived through some combination of centralized authority, social hierarchy and control over dissent. Ancient kingdoms, feudal empires, the Sultanates, the Mughal Empire and later the British Raj maintained rule not merely by military power but also by creating ideological structures that justified inequality and obedience. Kings ruled through divine authority, Mughal emperors through imperial-centralized sovereignty, and the British through colonial bureaucracy and racial superiority. Every system cultivated a loyal administrative class while keeping the majority divided by caste, religion, ethnicity or economic dependence.

The social order in the Indian subcontinent also evolved through graded inequalities where terms like “Shudra” historically came to represent large sections placed lower in the hierarchy. Over centuries, social and religious barriers often prevented equality of opportunity and dignity. In modern political language too, new labels and insults emerge for dissenters or marginalized sections. The recent use of the word “cockroaches” in political and social discourse reflects the same dangerous tendency of dehumanising sections of people by reducing them to creatures rather than recognizing them as equal citizens. History repeatedly shows that whenever societies begin describing groups of human beings in degrading terms, democratic morality weakens and divisions deepen.

In contemporary India, critics argue that the model of governance at present has increasingly emphasized centralized messaging, disciplined political communication and strong leader-centric governance. Supporters consider this a source of political stability and national confidence, while critics see continuity with older traditions of concentrated authority where image management becomes more important than democratic dialogue. The modern media ecosystem, party discipline and centralized decision-making often ensure that only a controlled narrative reaches the public sphere.

At the same time, many ordinary citizens continue to express concerns over unemployment, inflation, rising educational costs and unequal access to opportunities. Economic growth without broad social justice can deepen frustration among the youth and working classes. When governments focus excessively on symbolism, publicity or identity politics, the immediate concerns of livelihood, wages, healthcare and education risk being overshadowed.

A democratic republic, however, cannot sustain itself merely through authority or electoral victories. The moral foundation of modern democracy rests upon the constitutional principles of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. These principles reject both hereditary privilege and political dehumanisation. The majority in a democracy certainly has the right to govern through elections, but democracy becomes meaningful only when the majority also protects dissent, safeguards minorities and ensures dignity for the weakest citizen.

True nationalism is not measured by unquestioning obedience to rulers but by the condition of the common people. A society becomes stronger when citizens can speak freely without fear, when criticism is treated as democratic participation rather than disloyalty, and when economic progress reaches workers, farmers, students and the unemployed. History shows that empires survive for some time through discipline and control, but enduring civilizations survive through justice and public trust.

Therefore, the real challenge before modern India is not whether it chooses Left or Right, but whether it preserves the constitutional balance between authority and liberty, development and equality, nationalism and humanity. A republic flourishes when power remains accountable to the people and when no citizen is reduced to a social label, political stereotype, “cockroach,” or inherited hierarchy.

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Pashupati Seal of Indus Valley Civilisation

Reinterpreting the “Pashupati” Seal of the Indus Valley Civilisation:

Kingship, Ecological Balance, and Symbolic Coexistence

The famous “Pashupati” seal from the Indus Valley Civilisation has generally been interpreted either as a proto-Shiva image, a fertility symbol, or a ritualistic religious figure. However, a closer iconographic reading of the seal suggests an alternative possibility: the seal may represent a political philosophy of ecological balance and mediated coexistence among competing powers embodied through wild animals.

The seal depicts a centrally seated horned male figure wearing elaborate headgear and ornaments. Around him appear four powerful wild animals — elephant, tiger, rhinoceros, and buffalo — while two horned deer or antelopes are shown below the seat. Unlike ordinary Indus seals depicting a single animal, this composition presents multiple potentially antagonistic species in a controlled and symmetrical arrangement. Such organization appears intentional rather than decorative.

A notable feature is that the animals represented are not passive or domestic creatures. Each symbolizes independent territorial power in the wild. The tiger and buffalo embody predator-prey tension. Rhinoceroses and elephants compete for ecological space and generally avoid direct confrontation. Yet on the seal, these forces coexist without conflict around the central seated figure. This may indicate that the figure represents not merely a deity, but an authority regulating equilibrium among competing natural and social powers.

The orientation of the animals strengthens this interpretation. The tiger, rhinoceros, and buffalo appear visually directed toward the seated figure, while the elephant is shown differently, possibly turning away or positioned independently. Such directional variation may carry symbolic meaning. Ancient iconography frequently used body orientation to indicate hierarchy, alliance, submission, independence, or territorial distinction. The elephant’s differing direction may therefore suggest a separate domain of authority or an autonomous power existing within a broader political order.

The masculine characteristics of the imagery are also significant. The central figure appears male, and most surrounding animals display features associated with male power such as horns, muscularity, and aggressive posture. Even the deer or antelope beneath the throne-like seat appear horned and therefore likely male. This consistent emphasis on virility and dominance may indicate a symbolic assembly of competing masculine powers unified under a central authority.

Such a reading permits reinterpretation of the term “Pashupati.” Rather than meaning solely “lord of animals” in a theological sense, the figure may represent a ruler, chief, or mediator maintaining order among rival clans, totems, territories, or belief systems symbolized by animals. Individual Indus seals containing single animals may have represented distinct guilds, clans, ritual traditions, trade groups, or local identities, while the composite seal symbolized a supralocal authority harmonizing them.

This interpretation gains strength when viewed in the broader archaeological context. Thousands of seals from sites such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Dholavira, and Lothal contain brief inscriptions and animal imagery. Their find-spots — often in workshops, trading zones, and administrative areas — suggest that many seals served economic or political functions rather than purely devotional ones. The recurring placement of script above the animal imagery may indicate ownership, office, clan identity, or administrative designation.

The persistence of animal symbolism in later South Asian traditions also deserves attention. Bulls, elephants, tigers, serpents, buffaloes, and deer continued to hold religious and political significance in later Hinduism, Jainism, and Buddhist traditions. Jain tirthankaras became identified through animal symbols, while Hindu traditions linked major deities with specific animal companions or embodiments. Although direct continuity cannot be conclusively established, the endurance of animal-centered symbolic systems across millennia suggests long cultural memory.

Another intriguing aspect is the ritual symbolism seen in several Indus seals. Certain “standard devices” positioned before animals resemble lamps, covered fire altars, incense stands, or ritual platforms. These have invited comparisons with later Iranian and Avestan fire symbolism associated with Zoroastrianism and the Avesta. While such parallels remain speculative, they point toward wider Bronze Age networks of symbolic exchange across the Indus and Iranian worlds.

Modern AI-assisted analysis may help advance such interpretations by examining correlations among:

• animal types,
• script sequences,
• seal locations,
• trade routes,
• and directional patterns of imagery.

If recurring sign clusters consistently correlate with specific animals or regions, this may reveal administrative, territorial, or symbolic structures embedded within the undeciphered script.

The “Pashupati” seal therefore may not merely represent an early deity in meditation. It may embody a more complex vision: a ruler seated at the centre of competing ecological and social forces, preserving coexistence among powerful and potentially hostile groups. In this reading, the seal becomes not only a religious artifact, but also a philosophical statement on governance, balance, and ordered plurality in one of the world’s earliest urban civilizations.

18 May 2026

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असीम अनुसंधान।

असीम अनुसंधान। 

व्यक्ति शरीर और मन का एक संयोजन है; वह कितना विस्तार करता है, यही उसके विकास को परिभाषित करता है।

एक मार्ग भीतर की ओर खिंचाव का है—सीमित आत्म को भीतर के सार्वभौमिक आत्म से मिलाते हुए, भीतर से विस्तार करना।

दूसरा मार्ग बाहर की ओर प्रसार का है—व्यक्ति के अहं से निकलकर परिवार, जाति, पंथ, धर्म, राज्य, देश और उससे आगे तक बढ़ना, जब तक कि वह उस अवस्था तक न पहुँच जाए जहाँ से विस्तार असीम हो जाता है।

यह ठीक-ठीक नहीं, पर कुछ हद तक Hinayana और Mahayana जैसी धाराओं के समान है।

उद्देश्य किसी मान्यता-प्रणाली को अपनाना नहीं, बल्कि वास्तविकता के साथ सामंजस्य स्थापित करना है—अस्तित्व के उस सत्य के साथ, जो शाश्वत और चेतन है।

Infinite exploration

The individual is a construct of body and mind; how far it expands defines one’s development.

There is a pull inward—merging the limited self with an inner, universal self, expanding from within.

There is also a push outward—moving from the ego of the individual to wider circles: family, caste, creed, religion, state, country, and beyond, until one reaches a point from which expansion becomes boundless.

Not exactly, but somewhat analogous to currents like Hinayana and Mahayana.

The aim is not to adopt a belief system, but to align with reality—the truth of existence, enduring and conscious.

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Savara : language matters more to communicate

Real change needs both willpower and resources.

In the Palakonda hill ranges of the Eastern Ghats, along the Andhra Pradesh–Odisha border, lives the Savara tribe. They speak Sora language (from the Munda family), distinct from Telugu language, and historically it had no widely used script.

The Bible was originally composed in languages like Aramaic language and later translated into Latin language, English language, and many others to spread the “good message” — the teachings of Jesus Christ. In India, missionaries followed a similar approach, translating it into local languages under efforts such as “Bible in My Language.”

When they reached Savara-speaking regions, the challenge was clear: how to communicate this “good message” to a people whose language had no script. They engaged Gidugu Venkata Ramamurthy, a noted linguist who studied Sora extensively. He rendered the Bible (often referred to as “Roitad Baibol”) into the Sora dialect using the Telugu script. For this work, he was reportedly paid a substantial sum—around one lakh rupees in 1910—an enormous amount at the time. The effort proved effective, and many in the community adopted Christianity after accessing the “good message” in their own language.

By contrast, many Hindu prayers remain in Sanskrit—a language not widely understood by either priests or followers today—leading often to mechanical recitation rather than conscious engagement. An exception is Tamil Nadu, where devotional practices frequently use the vernacular, making them more accessible and meaningful.

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Navgujarat Alumni Meet: April 2026

નવગુજરાત પરિવાર મિલન સમારોહ

તા. ૧૯ એપ્રિલ ૨૦૨૬

આજે લગભગ ચાલીસ વર્ષ પછી નવગુજરાત કોલેજના પટાંગણમાં જવાનું થયું. પ્રવચનોનો કાર્યક્રમ લાંબો ચાલ્યો હોવાથી કોલેજ બિલ્ડિંગ અંદરથી જોવા મળ્યું નહીં, પરંતુ અદ્યતન સુવિધાઓથી સમૃદ્ધ આગળનું અડધું બનેલું બિલ્ડિંગ નાની જગ્યામાં વિશાળ વ્યવસ્થા સમાવી લેતું હોય તેમ લાગ્યું. બાકીનો અડધો ભાગ પૂર્ણ કરવા માટે લગભગ ₹૧૫ કરોડના ખર્ચને પહોંચી વળવા, નવગુજરાતથી લાભાન્વિત સૌએ નાનો-મોટો સહયોગ આપે — તે કાર્યક્રમનો મુખ્ય ઉદ્દેશ જણાયો. ખુરશીઓ જેટલી મૂકવામાં આવી હતી તે લગભગ ભરાઈ ગઈ હતી અને ઓળખીતાઓ એકબીજાને મળી આનંદિત થયા.

હું સવારે નીકળ્યો ત્યારે મનમાં ૪૬ વર્ષ પહેલાંના ચિત્રો તરવરતાં હતાં, પરંતુ પછી અરીસામાં જોયું તો મારો પોતાનો ચહેરો જ બદલાઈ ગયો હતો; પછી બીજાને ઓળખવું કેવી રીતે શક્ય બને! કાર્યક્રમ પૂર્ણ થતાં જ હું નીકળી ગયો. ત્યારબાદ મારા સહાધ્યાયી કમલેશ બ્રહ્મક્ષત્રિયનો ફોન આવ્યો કે તે અને અશોક જાટકિયા આવ્યા હતા. બંનેને મળવાનું થાય જ છે, પરંતુ કોલેજના પટાંગણમાં ન મળાયું — તે થોડું ખૂટ્યું. મેં સમૂહમાં નજર ફેરવી, પરંતુ અમારા સમયના કોઈ પ્રાધ્યાપક દેખાયા નહીં. જો અમે ૬૫ પાર કરી ગયા હોઈએ, તો તેઓને જોવું શક્ય ક્યાંથી હોય!

કોલેજ શરૂ થઈ તે સમયના પ્રાધ્યાપક ત્રિલોકભાઈ સાહેબે ખોટ કરીને પણ વિદ્યાવૃક્ષને જીવંત રાખવાની પ્રિન્સિપાલ એમ. સી. શાહ સાહેબની મહેનતને યાદ કરી. તેઓ અને ધર્મેન્દ્રસિંહ ઝાલા સાહેબ “પરીખ ઝાલા પબ્લિકેશન” શરૂ કરીને પછી ખૂબ લોકપ્રિય થયા. તેમણે ઝાલા સાહેબને પ્રાધ્યાપક તરીકે કેવી રીતે નિમણૂક અપાવી તે વાત પણ કરી. તેમના કહેવા મુજબ, તેઓ બીજા વર્ગમાં પાસ થયા હોવાથી વ્યાખ્યાતા બન્યા, જ્યારે ઝાલા સાહેબ ત્રીજા વર્ગમાં હોવાથી ટ્યુટર તરીકે જોડાયા અને પછી વ્યાખ્યાતા બન્યા. મને ઝાલા સાહેબનો ઉજ્જવળ ચહેરો અને રણકતો અવાજ યાદ આવી ગયો. મનમાં આવ્યું, ભલે ને તેમને ત્રીજો વર્ગ મળ્યો હોય, પરંતુ ભણાવવામાં તેઓ પ્રથમ શ્રેણીના હતા.

પ્રિન્સિપાલ એમ. સી. શાહ સાહેબના પુત્રો મુકેશભાઈ અને સ્નેહલભાઈએ પિતા-માતાના વિદ્યા યજ્ઞને યાદ કરી, હાલના કોલેજ વિકાસકાર્યોની રૂપરેખા રજૂ કરી. સાથે જ ગ્રાન્ટ-ઈન-એઈડ સંસ્થાને સંચાલનમાં આવતી મુશ્કેલીઓનું વર્ણન કર્યું. એક તરફ એચ. એલ. કોમર્સ અને એચ. એ. કોમર્સ કોલેજો સેલ્ફ-ફાઇનાન્સ બની યુનિવર્સિટી બની અમીર વર્ગના વિદ્યાર્થીઓને ભણાવે છે, ત્યારે બીજી તરફ આ કોલેજ વાર્ષિક માત્ર ₹૨૦૦૦ ફી લઈને મધ્યમ અને ગરીબ વર્ગને શિક્ષણ આપે છે, તેથી નાણાકીય તંગી આવે ત્યારે સહાય માટે આગળ આવવું જરૂરી છે. ૩૦૦ વિદ્યાર્થીઓથી શરૂ થયેલી કોલેજે અત્યાર સુધીમાં દોઢ લાખથી વધુ સ્નાતકો આપ્યા છે. 

સ્નેહલભાઈએ તેમના પિતાના કોલેજ સંચાલનના શૈક્ષણિક સાહસને યાદ કરતાં જણાવ્યું કે તેમના પિતા પાસે સ્કૂટર હતું. ૧૯૬૩માં જ્યારે કોલેજ સ્થાપિત થઈ, ત્યારે આસપાસનો વિસ્તાર ખાલી હતો અને કોઈ સુવિધા ઉપલબ્ધ ન હતી. તેથી જ્યારે કોઈ વીઆઈપી કે મહેમાન કોલેજની મુલાકાતે આવતા, ત્યારે પ્રિન્સિપાલ શાહ સાહેબ સ્કૂટર લઈને ઘરે જતા, પત્ની પાસેથી ચા બનાવડાવી લાવતા અને મહેમાનોનું આત્મીય સ્વાગત કરતા.

સ્નેહલભાઈએ તેમના પિતાની યાદમાં લખેલા આત્મકથાત્મક પુસ્તકનો ઉલ્લેખ કર્યો. અમે ભણતા હતા ત્યારે નોકરી સાથે અભ્યાસ કરતાં હોવાથી સવારના બે પીરિયડ, વર્ગખંડની બેંચ અને પછી ઈન્કમટેક્સ બસ સ્ટેન્ડ બસ એટલું જ ધ્યાન રહેતું. અમે આંકડાશાસ્ત્રના વિદ્યાર્થી હોવાથી પ્રિન્સિપાલ શાહ સાહેબના વ્યક્તિત્વને નજીકથી જાણવાની તક નહિવત્ મળી. તક મળશે તો પુસ્તક વાંચીને તેમને ફરીથી યાદ કરીશું.

પ્રવચનોમાં નરહરિ અમીન અને રાજકુમાર ગુપ્તાએ કોલેજના દિવસોમાં કરેલી શરારતો અને તોડફોડ યાદ કરી સ્વ. એમ. સી. શાહ સાહેબની ઉદારતાને શ્રદ્ધાંજલિ અર્પી.

નરહરિભાઈએ કહ્યું કે તેઓએ કોલેજના લગભગ બધાં કાચ તોડ્યા હતા અને પ્રિન્સિપાલ શાહ સાહેબ ફરી તૂટે નહીં તે માટે પતરાં લગાવતા. તેઓ અને રાજકુમાર ગુપ્તાએ જણાવ્યું કે કોલેજમાં મળેલી તોફાની તાલીમથી જ તેઓ જી.એસ., સેનેટ અને આગળ રાજકારણમાં પ્રવેશ્યા અને જાહેર કર્યું કે નવગુજરાત રાજકારણીઓ પેદા કરવાની ફેક્ટરી છે.

રાજકુમાર ગુપ્તાએ તો ત્યાં સુધી કહી દીધું કે જો પ્રિન્સિપાલ એમ. સી. શાહ સાહેબે તેમને સંભાળ્યા ન હોત, તો તેમના તોફાન અને ઉધામના કારણે શૈક્ષણિક કારકિર્દી ટૂંકાઈ જાત અને પોલીસ કાર્યવાહીમાંથી પણ બચી શક્યા ન હોત; કદાચ અંતે ચાની લારી પર કામ કરવું પડત. એક વખત તો તેમણે પોતાના જ વાંકેથી બેહોશ થઈ જાય એવો ઉધામ મચાવ્યો હતો. શાહ સાહેબ આ બધું કેમ્પસની અંદર જ રાખતા અને સૌને સંભાળી લેતા.

એક નાટ્યકાર પૂર્વ વિદ્યાર્થીએ કોલેજના બિલ્ડિંગનું વર્ણન કરીને જાણે વર્ચુઅલ પ્રવાસ કરાવી દીધો. તેમણે કહ્યું કે તેમને ભણવાનું ન ફાવતું હોવાથી તેમણે નાટકો કરવાનું શરૂ કર્યું અને રંગમંચ અને સિનેમામાં સફળતા મેળવી. ઘણાં વિદ્યાર્થીઓ ચાર્ટડ એકાઉન્ટન્ટ, ઉદ્યોગ સાહસિકો તરીકે સફળ થયા છે. 

મને થયું કે અમે ભણતા હતા ત્યારે તોડફોડનું વાતાવરણ નહોતું. અમારી સવારની કોલેજનું ગ્રુપ શાંત અને શિસ્તબદ્ધ હતું. તેથી અમને પ્રિન્સિપાલ શાહ સાહેબે વાવેલું વિદ્યાવૃક્ષ કે જેના લોગોમાં “અભિ પ્રજ્ઞાતં ઓજસા” લખેલું છે તેને સાર્થક કરવાની અમને તક મળી. પોતાના ઓજ (સામર્થ્ય)થી જ્ઞાનને પૂર્ણ રીતે પ્રાપ્ત કર્યું. સમર્થ પ્રાધ્યાપકો — એચ. ડી. શાહ, એસ. ડી. પટેલ, ડી. એસ. ઝાલા, સી. બી. મહેતા, પી. એમ. શાહ, મધુભાઈ પટેલ, સી. સી. પટેલ વગેરે — સૌએ તેમના જ્ઞાનનો ખજાનો અમારા મસ્તિષ્કમાં રેડ્યો, જેના આધારે અમે રાજ્ય અને રાષ્ટ્રીય સ્તરની સ્પર્ધાત્મક પરીક્ષાઓમાં સફળતા મેળવી જીવન સાર્થક કર્યું.

વક્તાઓ ઘણાં હતાં. પ્રિ. એમ. સી. શાહ કોમર્સ કોલેજના પ્રિન્સિપાલ નીતિનકુમાર શાહ મને વ્યક્તિગત રીતે ઓળખતા ન હોવાથી પાછળથી મને યાદ કરી મારો નામોલ્લેખ “પૂનમચંદ ખેમચંદ શાહ” તરીકે કર્યો — તે સાંભળીને આનંદ થયો. મને થયું કે ચાલો આજે આપણો અવાજ આ પટાંગણમાં ન પહોંચ્યો, છતાં શિસ્તપ્રિય પ્રિન્સિપાલ એમ. સી. શાહ સાહેબની અટકથી તો મળી ગઈ. 

ડો. પૂનમચંદ પરમાર (૧૯૭૮–૮૦)
(IAS: 1985) પૂર્વ અધિક મુખ્ય સચિવ,
ગુજરાત સરકાર

Navgujarat Alumni Meet
19 April 2026

Today, after nearly forty years, I had the opportunity to step into the campus of Navgujarat College once again. As the speeches went on for quite some time, I could not see the college building from the inside. However, the newly constructed front half, equipped with modern facilities, appeared to accommodate extensive arrangements within a limited space. It seemed that the main purpose of the event was to seek small and large contributions from all those who have benefited from Navgujarat, to help meet the estimated cost of about ₹15 crore required to complete the remaining half of the building. The chairs arranged were almost fully occupied, and people were delighted to reconnect with acquaintances.

When I left home in the morning, memories from 46 years ago were vivid in my mind. But then I looked in the mirror and realized that even my own face had changed—so how could I possibly recognize others! I left as soon as the program ended. Later, my classmates Kamlesh Brahmakshatriya and Ashok Jatkia called to say they had attended. We would have surely met, but missing each other on the college campus felt like a small loss. I scanned the gathering, but could not spot any professors from our time. If we ourselves have crossed 65, how could we expect to see them!

Professor Trilokbhai, who taught during the early years of the college, recalled the tireless efforts of Principal M. C. Shah, who kept the tree of knowledge alive even through financial strain. He, along with Dharmendrasinh Zala, later started “Parikh Zala Publication,” which became quite popular. He also shared how he helped appoint Zala Saheb as a lecturer. According to him, he himself became a lecturer with a second-class degree, while Zala Saheb, having a third class, initially joined as a tutor and later became a lecturer. I vividly remembered Zala Saheb’s bright face and resonant voice, and felt that even if he had a third class academically, he was first class in teaching.

Principal M. C. Shah’s sons, Mukeshbhai and Snehalbhai, fondly remembered their parents’ dedication to education and presented an outline of the college’s current development work. They also spoke about the challenges faced in managing a grant-in-aid institution. While institutions like H. L. Commerce and H. A. Commerce Colleges have become self-financed and cater largely to affluent students, this college continues to provide education to middle- and lower-income groups with an annual fee of only ₹2000. Therefore, public support becomes essential during financial constraints.

Snehalbhai recalled his father’s educational commitment, mentioning that he owned a scooter. When the college was established in 1963, the surrounding area was barren with no facilities. So whenever a VIP or guest visited, Principal Shah would ride home on his scooter, have tea prepared by his wife, and personally serve it to the guests with warmth and hospitality.

Snehalbhai also mentioned an autobiographical book he has written in memory of his father. During our student days, since we were balancing jobs along with studies, our focus was limited to attending two morning lectures, sitting on classroom benches, and catching the bus from the Income Tax bus stand. As students of statistics, we had little opportunity to closely understand Principal Shah’s personality. If I get the chance, I would like to read the book and remember him more deeply.

In their speeches, Narhari Amin and Rajkumar Gupta recalled their mischievous and destructive acts during college days and paid tribute to the generosity of late M. C. Shah.

Narharibhai mentioned that he had broken almost all the glass panes in the college, and Principal Shah had replaced them with metal sheets so they wouldn’t break again. He and Rajkumar Gupta said that the rebellious training they received in college eventually led them to positions like General Secretary, Senate roles, and later into politics, even humorously declaring Navgujarat as a “factory for producing politicians.”

Rajkumar Gupta went so far as to say that if Principal M. C. Shah had not guided him, his unruly behavior might have ended his academic career and even led to police action; he might have ended up working at a tea stall. On one occasion, he had created such chaos that he fainted due to his own actions. Yet Shah Saheb kept all such matters within the campus and handled everyone with care.

A playwright student described the college building so vividly that it felt like a virtual tour. He mentioned that since he was not inclined towards studies, he took up theatre and went on to achieve success in stage and cinema. Many students have also gone on to succeed as chartered accountants and entrepreneurs.

I felt that during our time, there was no such atmosphere of vandalism. Our morning college group was calm and disciplined. This perhaps gave us the opportunity to truly live up to the college motto, “Abhi Pragyatam Ojasa,” meaning to attain knowledge fully through one’s own strength. Eminent professors like H. D. Shah, S. D. Patel, D. S. Zala, C. B. Mehta, P. M. Shah, Madhubhai Patel, and C. C. Patel poured their wealth of knowledge into our minds, which enabled us to succeed in state and national-level competitive examinations and lead meaningful lives.

There were many speakers. As the Principal of M. C. Shah Commerce College, Nitin Kumar Shah, did not personally know me, he later referred to me as “Poonamchand Khemchand Shah.” Hearing that brought a sense of joy. I thought—even if my voice did not reach this campus today, at least I was remembered through the surname of the disciplined Principal M. C. Shah.

Dr. Punamchand Parmar (1978–80)
(IAS: 1985) Former Additional Chief Secretary,
Government of Gujarat

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